Purpose: The flourishing of political parties and currents is one of the signs of the degree of development in societies. In contemporary Iran and since the formation of the constitutional movement, political currents have gone through many ups and downs and it can be said that political currents in Iran after the Islamic REVOLUTION have not yet reached the stage of institutionalization and stability. A characteristic feature of political currents in Iran is the divergence and division among political currents in recent decades, and this can be one of the reasons for the instability and cross-sectional and seasonal activity of political parties in Iran. Therefore, the necessity of leading research seeks to answer the question of how factors and divergence among political currents in Iran after the victory of the Islamic REVOLUTION can be analyzed? And what are the scenarios for the advancement of political currents in Iran?Method: To answer this question, the method of causal-layer analysis, which is one of the qualitative methods in futures research, has been used.Findings: The research findings indicate that this divergence is due to a wide range of reasons from the level of causal systems (from the institutionalization of power to the formation of parties as elitist initiatives), worldview and discourse (from charismatic political authority to culture). Subsidiary-follower politics to myth-metaphor (Iranian individualism to belief in a strong state-weak society) can be analyzed.Conclusions: Three scenarios for the future of Iranian political currents can be considered: integration of currents as the security valve of the political system, the collapse of political currents in the traditional form, integration and consolidation in new social movements (virtualized parties).

In an effort to present a new analysis of the Islamic REVOLUTION, the question ascends as to whether the Islamic REVOLUTION can be considered a freedom or emancipation-seeking REVOLUTION? It is assumed that the Islamic REVOLUTION was the renaissance of the Iranian nation to raise the cause of freedom, and emancipation in both two positive and negative aspects has been expressed. The present research is carried out in a descriptive-analytical manner and its findings show that the Islamic REVOLUTION of Iran has mainly focused on four major issues (negative liberty); domestic tyranny, foreign dominance, anti-Islam measures of the Shah's regime and economic decline, and the threat to people's livelihoods. On the contrary, this REVOLUTION has articulated the favorable response to these issues (positive liberty) by establishing and realizing values such as religious democracy, freedom, efforts to preserve independence and national sovereignty, as well as efficiency with an emphasis on justice and deprivation.

This paper seeks to answer the question whether the Constitutional REVOLUTION of 1905-1911 in Iran was a democratic REVOLUTION or social REVOLUTION? This discussion has been explained from the view point of the political sociology, relying on the Moore's theory. Studies indicate that the Constitutional REVOLUTION in all periods has had the features of democratic REVOLUTION for the following reasons: The REVOLUTION was led by bourgeoisie and land aristocracy in different periods. The REVOLUTION defended the legalism, established political freedom and applied the peaceful means more than other social REVOLUTIONs.

Some REVOLUTIONs have significant internal political, social, economic and cultural impacts, as well as major regional and international consequences. The Islamic REVOLUTION of Iran, as a major and phenomenal social REVOLUTION, has had important internal, regional and international consequences. One of the international outcomes of the Islamic REVOLUTION has been its impact on political and social sciences, especially on theorizing REVOLUTIONs. In this paper we have focused on the impact of the Islamic REVOLUTION on theories of REVOLUTION, in three areas: causes, processes and outcomes of REVOLUTIONs. Using Thomas Kuhn’s theory of scientific REVOLUTIONs as our theoretical framework, we hypothesized that: the occurrence of the Islamic REVOLUTION of Iran has had significant theoretical impact on the sociological theories of REVOLUTIONs. This hypothesis, was broken into three main hypotheses and some sub-hypotheses, and was tested using thematic content analysis. For this purpose, 57 English papers about the Iranian REVOLUTION gathered from international journals were analyzed. The research revealed that the Islamic REVOLUTION of Iran indeed has had significant impact on the theories related to the causes, processes and outcomes of REVOLUTIONs.

This article using this method, is going to Compare Islamic REVOLUTION of Iran (1979) & Jan. 25th REVOLUTION in Egypt, and assumes that without such an analysis, it’s not possible to understand & explain Egypt REVOLUTION. Theoretical Background of article is theory of Political opportunity from sociological framework for analysis of social movements. By Application of these theories, author argues that Islamic REVOLUTION of Iran, provided a suitable political opportunity for REVOLUTIONary movement in Egypt & decrees as its costs & length in the way to victory. But Mubarak Regime, Egypt military forces & U.S. by learning from Iran’s REVOLUTION, try their best to limit political opportunities for Islamists to conquer the whole political sphere of Egypt & manage the transition from Social Islamism toward Political Islamism.

Since the concept of REVOLUTION, though begins from a mental point, sets out to bring about a fundamental change in the structure of society and the world, will create particular concerns for the international system notably for the large powers as a phenomenon opposing the status quo. Studying Iran's Constitution REVOLUTION and the American Independence REVOLUTION in analytical and descriptive method, this paper seeks to explore the role played by the international system, the great powers' interests and degree of efficacy of this role in the advent of these two REVOLUTIONs. On this ground, the international system and influential powers are able to intervene in the general factors of the advent of REVOLUTION in various diplomatic, financial and even military ways. By granting aid or cutting it of, they can increase or decrease public discontent, the government's financial weakness, enhance or undermine militant groups' organization and idealist thoughts, thus contributing to the success or failure of government in suppressing the REVOLUTIONaries.

In this article we are trying to explore two temporal layers in the concept of REVOLUTION in Iran. It’s my contention that simultaneity of the non-simultaneous, as expounded by the German historian Koselleck, made substantial changes in the concept of REVOLUTION. In its initial steps, the REVOLUTION in Iran was a political REVOLUTION which was aimed at establishing political freedom and a new political regime. But as Hannah Arendt has explained in her work “On REVOLUTION”, the social gradually overcame the political. The ideal of the political freedom gave its way to social justice. This transformation and displacement of the semantic content of REVOLUTION ultimately changed the horizon of the REVOLUTION. A political REVOLUTION turned in a social REVOLUTION. The goal which seemed attainable at the beginning was sent to a distant future. And the political REVOLUTION turned into a permanent REVOLUTION. The permanent REVOLUTION was there to remain until the attainment of social justice.

Kant’s Copernicusian REVOLUTION is a well-known topic in history of epistemology, though its implications and impacts are not well discussed enough. No need to mention that analysis of knowledge was Kant’s first philosophical self-commitment. Aspiring of Copernicus’s REVOLUTION in astronomy, he changed the centrality of subject/object in his epistemological approach and maintained that mind (cognitive faculties) must be departure of metaphysical analysis; that was a REVOLUTIONary idea. Doing so, he, as it is well-known, divided all judgments from two different aspects: first, analytic/synthetic; and second, apriori/aposteriori. He, then, argued that there are apriori synthetic judgments -by which the possibility of knowledge is warranted - are universal and necessary. These judgments not only refer to external world, but also belong equally to physics, mathematics, and metaphysics. He believed that his doctrine could (dis)solve the old long-standing epistemological problem in modern philosophy such as the debates on source of knowledge (reason/experience), dogmatism/skepticism, etc., among rationalists and empiricists. Although his ideas, specially stressing on apriori concepts as a key, help him to (dis)solve some epistemological puzzles, either reveal a few new problems in newly changed epistemological scope.